Callings, part 2

As Placher moves into the “second historical period” describing the shape of vocations in the Middle Ages (500-1500), we find that monastic life remains as the “ideal,” nonetheless there is a tremendous degree of nuance that develops in medieval thought, regarding the nature of "calling" on the lives of those who seek after “religious perfection.” For example, Benedict of Nursia lived in southern Italy around 500 and originally had withdrawn into a cave to live as a hermit. However, followers would soon gather around him and Benedict ends up becoming the founder of several monasteries drafting a “rule” to guide those living in his monasteries (not a small development as Benedict now discovers the "pleasure and joy" of fellowship). Placher writes, “By most modern standards, Benedict’s rule demands a very tough life, but what struck many of his contemporaries was its moderation and common sense” (p. 108). Nonetheless, the Benedictine pattern emphasized withdrawal to a communal life of prayer and liturgy.

By the 1200s, a different kind of order appears- the Dominicans and Franciscans. Francis of Assisi who was the son of an Italian merchant felt called to a life of radical poverty. At first, he and his followers resisted owning property and worked for the care of lepers and the marginalized in society. To this point, Benedictine monks prayed for “the world” but their primary focus was to work on their own salvation, i.e. to pursue the “contemplative life.” On the other hand, following Francis, the Franciscans actively cared for others; they pursued the “active life” caring for the poor. At about the same time, Dominic, a Spaniard, likewise sold all his possessions to help the poor; however, Dominic feared those turning away from faith in the church, so sought to develop in the church more effective and better-educated preachers. Before long, the Dominicans became among the educational leaders in the church. So, like the Benedictine monks, the Franciscans and Dominicans also formed groups with special rules and lives dedicated to God; however, their vocations tended to be more directed towards others, in the case of the Franciscans, to caring for the poor and the Dominicans towards preaching and teaching ministries. There was a clear tension between the pursuit of the “contemplative life” as modeled by the Benedictines as well as that of the “active life” as modeled by that of the Franciscans and Dominicans. One example is discovered in the story of Thomas Aquinas and his sense of call. Thomas’ family had him earmarked to join the local Benedictine monastery; instead, Thomas ran away and joined the Dominicans. Thomas’ family was so terrified they had him kidnapped and imprisoned for almost a year before letting him pursue his own sense of vocation (p. 110). Aquinas, who would become the greatest theologian of the Middle Ages, would struggle to sort out the relationship between the active and contemplative life as well as the importance of religious vows with their promises of poverty, chastity and strict obedience (p. 110).   

Developing in the 1100s were a few Christians in the Netherlands who began exploring a sort of “compromise” between “lay” and “religious” life. Beguines (women) and Beghards (men) lived in communities and devoted themselves to prayer and “charity”; however, they also held regular jobs, some even kept private property; they took no permanent vows and could leave the community and marry if they wish. Because of the concern among church authorities for this “alternative approach to religion and life,” the Beguines and Beghards often experienced persecution. By the 14th century in the Netherlands, the Dutch merchant Geert Grote, after an unsuccessful attempt at monastic life, became highly critical of local priests and won many supporters; in so doing, Grote met with his supporters in private homes “after the model of the first apostles” (p. 111). Members of Grote’s “New Devout” would support themselves by engaging in various “secular” vocations (though in those days only “religious” pursuits technically qualified as a vocatio). These “New Devout” took no vows, emphasized simple piety, held in suspicion complex theology and were described in language of the time as being “devout” but not “religious” (p. 111). One of the more remarkable devotional works in the history of Christianity arose from this movement, The Imitation of Christ, now strongly believed to be the work of Thomas à Kempis, a remarkable work to get “ordinary Christians” to think about what it means to lead a “religious” life (p. 111).